Spurs’ Victor Wembanyama dominates early, but it’s not enough to deny Knicks championship-clinching Game 5 win 📝@petersblenodorio @NYDNSportsnydailynews.com/2026/06/13/spu…
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CNN's Clarissa Ward gains extraordinary access to the epicenter of a deadly outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where doctors work around the clock and grief, fear and fragile hope collide inside a hospital struggling to contain the virus. Watch more about the doctors on the frontlines at the link: cnn.it/3RUoWwr
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PRESIDENT TINUBU FULLY FUNDS AIR PEACE FLIGHT AS FG EVACUATES 262 STRANDED NIGERIANS FROM SOUTH AFRICA.
The first batch of 262 returnees has boarded at the departure lounge of OR Tambo International Airport, Johannesburg, and is now en route to Lagos, expected to arrive any moment.
Following President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s @officialABAT directive and full payment for the Air Peace flight, NIDCOM and other key agencies, NEMA, Refugee Commission, Immigration, NIMC and others, coordinated seamlessly under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for a smooth and dignified return.
The group is being led by Nigeria’s Acting Ambassador to South Africa, Amb. Ajayi, and will be received by the FG delegation led by Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Amb. Sola Enikanlaye.
#NIDCOMAtWork#PBATDelivers#DiasporaFirst#TinubuGains@TrendingEx@instablog9ja@ayomairoese@abati1990
Latin America since USAID defunding:
🇨🇱 Kast ("far right") wins in Chile
🇧🇴 Paz ("far right") wins in Bolivia
🇵🇪 Fujimori ("far right") wins in Peru
🇪🇨 Noboa ("far right") wins in Ecuador
🇭🇳 Asfura ("far right") wins in Honduras
🇨🇷 Fernandez ("far right") wins in Costa
EXCL: The Lawyer can reveal that Burnley has won its legal case against Everton over Everton's PSR breaches. The Toffees are to pay Burnley nearly £40m in damages and interest. Everton is expected to appeal.
thelawyer.com/everton-to-pay…
Ukraine–Nordic-Baltic Summit. I want to thank Estonia for hosting. The NB8 format is very practical. There are three key priorities:
First, to make diplomacy more active. We discussed today how to do that.
Second, to provide Ukraine with air defense and strengthen our cooperation to make Europe stronger.
Third, important EU meetings are coming soon, and I thank every partner for supporting Ukraine. It is time to open all clusters. Everything is ready, and there is no reason to delay.
I am also grateful to our partners for their readiness to continue strengthening sanctions against Russia. This is important. Russia must end its war, and only pressure can help achieve that.
Few expected Pakistan to succeed in shaping the April 8 ceasefire announcement, which has, for now, slowed the momentum of conflict in West Asia. Islamabad’s back-channel engagement helped secure a tentative pause and open space for diplomacy. The immediate effect is a likely easing of hostilities, offering relief not only to the Iranian people but also to a global economy already under strain from energy shocks caused by what was, in many ways, an unnecessary conflict.
To view Islamabad’s role as a proactive assertion of influence would, however, be misleading. Its involvement is better understood as an exercise in necessity, shaped by economic vulnerability, geopolitical constraints, and internal fragilities. The war’s impact on oil prices has been severe. As a net energy importer already under fiscal strain, Pakistan cannot absorb sustained spikes in global crude prices without triggering inflationary shocks and further slowdown. The transmission is immediate: Higher import bills, pressure on foreign exchange reserves, and cascading effects on domestic prices. In an already fragile macroeconomic environment, a prolonged conflict in West Asia is untenable.
Pakistan’s strategic position, too, sharply limits its room for manoeuvre. The 2025 defence agreement with Saudi Arabia creates expectations of alignment in the event of escalation, a scenario fraught with domestic risk. Pakistan’s sectarian landscape has been volatile in the past, and any overt positioning in a Saudi-Iran confrontation could inflame tensions.
At the same time, Pakistan cannot afford an adversarial relationship with Iran. Its western border is already strained due to instability in Afghanistan. Adding hostility with Tehran would create a two-front security challenge, even as relations with India remain tense. The prospect of being encircled by unstable or hostile neighbours is strategically untenable.
It is within these overlapping constraints that Pakistan’s diplomatic activism must be seen. Islamabad functioned less as a formal mediator, more a facilitator, maintaining communication between adversaries and coordinating with regional actors. The objective was limited but clear: Prevent escalation to a point where Pakistan would be forced into choices it cannot sustain.
A critical enabler of this role has been Pakistan’s working relationship with the current US administration. Islamabad has maintained close contact with Washington, and its leadership has established a degree of trust with President Donald Trump and his inner circle. For Washington, Pakistan offers utility as a state able to engage with Tehran while remaining broadly aligned with US strategic interests. This convergence created space for Pakistan to act as a conduit at a time when direct US-Iran engagement remains fraught. For Pakistan, this alignment reinforces relevance in Washington at a time of shifting US priorities and signals to Gulf partners that Islamabad remains a dependable interlocutor. It also allows Pakistan to balance competing relationships without making explicit commitments that could prove costly.
Yet, the limits of this role are evident. Pakistan lacks the leverage to shape outcomes decisively. It can facilitate dialogue but cannot enforce compliance. This is where China’s role becomes significant, as a regional power with the capacity to influence Tehran, complementing Pakistan’s efforts. The ceasefire itself remains fragile, contingent on calculations in Washington, Tehran, and other regional capitals. Should the process unravel, Pakistan risks being associated with a failed diplomatic effort without having had the means to determine its trajectory. There is also the question of overextension. Engaging in high-stakes diplomacy in a volatile region carries risks, particularly for a state with constrained resources and multiple internal challenges.
In India, the initial reaction has oscillated between scepticism and dismissal before giving way to a more measured recognition of Pakistan’s role. Ideally, such mediation could have been a joint endeavour, given that both India and Pakistan remain vulnerable to the same energy shocks. But this is a deeply fractured neighbourhood where rational coordination is often overtaken by nationalist rhetoric and short-term political imperatives.
Domestically, the ceasefire has generated a rare moment of public affirmation, celebrating Pakistan’s growing stature at the global level. For now, this episode appears to have steadied the hybrid regime, lending it a degree of political oxygen amid tough economic conditions.
Whether this moment translates into sustained diplomatic relevance will depend less on Pakistan’s intentions and more on the durability of peace in a structurally volatile region. This was diplomacy under constraint, and its endurance will hinge on whether a fragile pause can resist the structural pull of another war, including Israel’s willingness to allow diplomacy the space to work.
Published today in Indian Express
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